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Bravo Johnson

@bravojohnson

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Watching Bridge at Remagen and a bunch of other war movies this summer. feels like every film or novel that doesn’t follow the Hero’s Journey has effectively earned a bonus 1.5 stars. Specialness’s is fentanyl in disguised mythic beats—chosen one, mentor, ordeal, return—that when I now encounter stories that meander, dwell in ambiguity, or deny catharsis, they often feel more real, or at least refreshingly alien. Bridge at Remagen, was probably as a 3-star WWII procedural when it came out—solid, topical, but unremarkable. Yet now, it reads like a lean, unsentimental relic from a different cultural logic. Its refusal to mythologize gives it weight. It hasn’t changed—but we have. And that might be worth 1.5 stars right there; radically honest, refreshingly unmanipulative, and intellectually stimulating precisely because it refuses the easy high of the mythic template. That refusal is narrative sobriety in an age of mythic opioids.
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https://x.com/ggreenwald/status/1943321867122556955?s=46&t=uxFF0u_0ecJVW04Kh-xZdg It’s so cringe to look at the IDW these days. These supposed “renegade thinkers” were really just astroturfing subsidized by Zirp. Sam Harris built a logic bomb with meditation wire. Lit the fuse — and forgot to step away from the blast radius. Eric Weinstein invented a grand unified theory in the garage. Told no one how it worked in a podcast. Tried to fly with it — and spun in circles until the blueprint caught fire. Bret Weinstein strapped a lab coat to a libertarian parachute. Leapt from the tower of academia. The chute opened — and filled with anecdotal evidence. James Lindsay started trolling woke academia, then painted a tunnel on a rock wall. The woke ran through it. He followed — and slammed into solid stone. Jordan Peterson tamed the chaos dragon with archetypes and beef. Built a moral ladder into the sky. Climbed it — and got stuck halfway up with no way down.
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Watching the Texas floods on the Fourth of July while boomers deny climate change and give themselves a $1 trillion tax cut is beyond parody. Insurance companies—hardly known for liberal overreach—are bailing on Florida, parts of California, now maybe Texas. Not because they “believe” in climate change. Because they’re pricing it. The Chamber of Commerce and Abundance types are out here dreaming of cutting ribbons on new developments in floodplains while insurance companies are cutting losses. The invisible hand is slapping them across the face, but still treat it like a vibes-based attack on freedom. “Don’t tread on me,” they say, ankle-deep in seawater. And yet, the same duopoly that swears by free markets can’t seem to hear the fire alarm ringing from the heart of competition lalaland.
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Sure — but “morally” is doing a lot of lifting here. You’re framing media as a kind of moral shepherd, and the audience as sheep needing to be steered. That’s a top-down, almost sermon-like view of what art or communication is for. But media isn’t a one-way channel for delivering moral upgrades; it’s a space of negotiation, ambiguity, and mutual curiosity. In a decentralized landscape, authority isn’t supposed to be granted by default. There’s no pulpit, no captive audience. Refusing to meet the world halfway in this context risks not steering anyone anywhere — it just makes you inaudible. And again, morally is doing a lot of lifting. In decentralized media, “morally better” is not a fixed north star — it’s a contested terrain. If you’re not engaging in that messiness, in the polyphony of perspectives, you’re not guiding; you’re just broadcasting into the void and calling it a mission.
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It’s like you’re building a LinkedIn masked as social media optimizing for professional signaling and network effects that ultimately serve capital allocation. The social media layer provides the ideological cover—all the discourse about decentralization, censorship resistance, community ownership. But the underlying architecture is designed to optimize for the same outcomes as LinkedIn: sorting people into hierarchies based on their access to capital, their ability to perform the right signals, and their willingness to advance narratives that serve existing power structures. The “social” part becomes a way to gamify compliance. Instead of explicitly asking people to conform to institutional expectations, you create a system where the highest status rewards naturally flow to those who advance institution-friendly narratives while maintaining the appearance of grassroots authenticity.
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From what I observe, most of Web3 leans anti-war in principle, but that ethos stays submerged because the space is heavily reliant on centralized capital—much of it Silicon Valley-based—which tends to be pro-interventionist, NRX-adjacent, and larping as guardians of “Western Civilization.” That alignment trickles down. Farcaster, for example, has major early backing from a16z, and one of its cofounders came out of Coinbase—the same Coinbase that just sponsored Trump’s military parade. That’s not a neutral backdrop; it’s a clear ideological signal. In that environment, openly anti-war stances carry reputational and financial risks. Most developers and founders stay quiet. The exceptions are usually theory-heavy adjacent communities—crypto-anarchists, regen weirdos, or degen enclaves—that raised neutral or ideologically unentangled capital and can afford to speak more freely.
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